Monday, January 30, 2006

Shane MacGowan's Teeth


Shane MacGowan is somewhat famous for his teeth, or lack thereof. Many of his teeth are missing; the remainder are rotten and/or crooked.
In his autobiography, A Drink With Shane MacGowan, MacGowan comments that the poor state of his oral health is due to several contributing factors:
Lack of brushing
Drunken fights in which he has been on the losing side
Alleged Police brutality in the late 1970s
The use of recreational drugs such as crack and crystal meth
In an article written by MacGowan's then girlfriend Victoria Clarke (see [1]]), it was claimed that Shane had further damaged his teeth by eating a copy of the Beach Boys Greatest Hits vol. 3 LP whilst under the influence of LSD.
MacGowan was quoted in the UK's Sunday Mirror newspaper as commenting that his teeth were rotten due to the effects of sugar in the many alcoholic drinks he had consumed.
Pictures of MacGowan taken following an alleged homophobic attack in 2004 — during which he was beaten about the head and face with an iron bar in an alleyway behind a London pub, show that he has very few front teeth remaining.
In December 2004, MacGowan inserted a pair of upper-jaw dentures (see [2]]) during a TV interview with Frank Skinner - commenting to the amused studio audience that the false teeth made him look "fucking stupid."
It was reported in 2005 that MacGowan was considering using money earned from the 2004 Pogues reunion tour to purchase a new set of teeth, due to concern that his rapidly-deteriorating dental situation is adversely affecting his singing voice.

In n' Out

http://whatupwilly.blogspot.com/2006/01/in-n-out-100x100.html

Check out this 100 patty burger. Awesome.

Friday, January 27, 2006

"Someone once wrote that kissing is sucking on a thirty-foot tube, the last five feet of which are full of shit."

President Reagan's Speech on The Challenger Disaster

Ronald Reagan -- Oval Office of the White House, January 28, 1986
Ladies and Gentlemen, I'd planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the Union, but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans. Today is a day for mourning and remembering. Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger. We know we share this pain with all of the people of our country. This is truly a national loss.
Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground. But, we've never lost an astronaut in flight; we've never had a tragedy like this. And perhaps we've forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle; but they, the Challenger Seven, were aware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. We mourn seven heroes: Michael Smith, Dick Scobee, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka, Gregory Jarvis, and Christa McAuliffe. We mourn their loss as a nation together.
For the families of the seven, we cannot bear, as you do, the full impact of this tragedy. But we feel the loss, and we're thinking about you so very much. Your loved ones were daring and brave, and they had that special grace, that special spirit that says, 'Give me a challenge and I'll meet it with joy.' They had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths. They wished to serve, and they did. They served all of us.
We've grown used to wonders in this century. It's hard to dazzle us. But for twenty-five years the United States space program has been doing just that. We've grown used to the idea of space, and perhaps we forget that we've only just begun. We're still pioneers. They, the members of the Challenger crew, were pioneers.
And I want to say something to the schoolchildren of America who were watching the live coverage of the shuttle's takeoff. I know it is hard to understand, but sometimes painful things like this happen. It's all part of the process of exploration and discovery. It's all part of taking a chance and expanding man's horizons. The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave. The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future, and we'll continue to follow them...
I've always had great faith in and respect for our space program, and what happened today does nothing to diminish it. We don't hide our space program. We don't keep secrets and cover things up. We do it all up front and in public. That's the way freedom is, and we wouldn't change it for a minute. We'll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space. Nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue. I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA or who worked on this mission and tell them: "Your dedication and professionalism have moved and impressed us for decades. And we know of your anguish. We share it."
There's a coincidence today. On this day 390 years ago, the great explorer Sir Francis Drake died aboard ship off the coast of Panama. In his lifetime the great frontiers were the oceans, and a historian later said, 'He lived by the sea, died on it, and was buried in it.' Well, today we can say of the Challenger crew: Their dedication was, like Drake's, complete.
The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honoured us by the manner in which they lived their lives. We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for the journey and waved goodbye and 'slipped the surly bonds of earth' to 'touch the face of God.'

HAMAS

At NRO, Emanuele Ottolenghi makes an eloquent case for the “worse is better” argument, as applied to the new Palestinian Hamas Government: Hamas Without Veils.

>>
Hamas’s favored outcome was not victory, but a strong showing that would leave Hamas with the best of both worlds: It would remain in opposition (or would be invited to join a coalition as a junior partner) but would impose severe limitations on the Fatah-led government on how to manage its relations with Israel. Hamas could thus claim to reject Oslo, decline to recognize the Palestinian Authority and its commitments under the Oslo accords and the roadmap, and continue to use its rising political clout and its military strength to sabotage any effort to revive the moribund peace process.
What victory does to Hamas is to put the movement into an impossible position. As preliminary reports emerge, Hamas has already asked Fatah to form a coalition and got a negative response. Prime Minister Abu Ala has resigned with his cabinet, and president Abu Mazen will now appoint Hamas to form the next government. From the shadows of ambiguity, where Hamas could afford — thanks to the moral and intellectual hypocrisy of those in the Western world who dismissed its incendiary rhetoric as tactics — to have the cake and eat it too. Now, no more. Had they won 30-35 percent of the seats, they could have stayed out of power but put enormous limits on the Palestinian Authority’s room to maneuver. By winning, they have to govern, which means they have to tell the world, very soon, a number of things.
They will have to show their true face now: No more masks, no more veils, no more double-speak. If the cooptation theory — favored by the International Crisis Group and by the former British MI-6 turned talking head, Alistair Crooke — were true, this is the time for Hamas to show what hides behind its veil. As the government of the Palestinian Authority, now they will have to say whether they accept the roadmap. They will have to take control over security and decide whether they use it to uphold the roadmap or to wage war.
There will be no excuses or ambiguities when Hamas fires rockets on Israel and launches suicide attacks against civilian targets. Until Tuesday, the PA could hide behind the excuse that they were not directly responsible and they could not rein in the “militants.” Now the “militants” are the militia of the ruling party. They are one and the same with the Palestinian Authority. If they bomb Israel from Gaza — not under occupation anymore, and is therefore, technically, part of the Palestinian state the PLO proclaimed in Algiers in 1988, but never bothered to take responsibility for — that is an act of war, which can be responded to in kind, under the full cover of the internationally recognized right of self-defense. No more excuses that the Palestinians live under occupation, that the PA is too weak to disarm Hamas, that violence is not the policy of the PA. Hamas and the PA will be the same: What Hamas does is what the PA will stand for.
"hoist with his own petard"

"For 'tis the sport to have the enginer / Hoist with his owne
petar" -- Shakespeare, Hamlet III iv. "Hoist" was in Shakespeare's
time the past participles of a verb "to hoise", which meant what "to
hoist" does now: to lift. A petard (see under "peter out" for the
etymology) was an explosive charge detonated by a slowly burning
fuse. If the petard went off prematurely, then the sapper (military
engineer; Shakespeare's "enginer") who planted it would be hurled
into the air by the explosion. (Compare "up" in "to blow up".) A
modern rendition might be: "It's fun to see the engineer blown up
with his own bomb."

Thursday, January 26, 2006

Wednesday, January 25, 2006

National Security: Who Needs It?
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/01/23/AR2006012301261.html
The Washington Post's E.J. Dionne yesterday offered some advice for Democrats:

By not engaging the national security debate, Democrats cede to [Karl] Rove the power to frame it. Consider that clever line about Democrats having a pre-Sept. 11 view of the world. The typical Democratic response would be defensive: "No, no, of course 9/11 changed the world." More specifically, there's a lot of private talk among Democrats that the party should let go of the issue of warrantless spying on Americans because the polls show that a majority values security and safety.
What Democrats should have learned is that they cannot evade the security debate. They must challenge the terms under which Rove and [President] Bush would conduct it. Imagine, for example, directly taking on that line about Sept. 11. Does having a "post-9/11 worldview" mean allowing Bush to do absolutely anything he wants, any time he wants, without having to answer to the courts, Congress or the public? Most Americans--including a lot of libertarian-leaning Republicans--reject such an anti-constitutional view of presidential power. If Democrats aren't willing to take on this issue, what's the point of being an opposition party?


So Dionne's advice to the Democrats seems to consist of (1) refusing to acknowledge that "9/11 changed the world," (2) defending vigorously the "civil liberties" of terrorists, and (3) setting up and attacking a straw man, the notion that President Bush is asserting the authority "to do absolutely anything he wants, any time he wants."
Dionne is right that for the most part the Democrats have not done (1), at least paying lip service to the significance of 9/11. But (2) and (3) are exactly what the Democrats are doing, and, as today's Los Angeles Times http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-civil25jan25,0,1576651.story notes, it doesn't seem to be a political winner:

These exchanges establish contrasts familiar from debates over law enforcement and national security throughout the 1970s and '80s, with most Republicans arguing for tough measures and many Democrats focusing on the defense of constitutional protections.
That emerging alignment worries some Democratic strategists, who believe it may allow Bush to portray Republicans as stronger than Democrats in fighting terrorism, as he did in the 2002 and 2004 campaigns.
"If Democrats want to be the party of people who think [the government] is too tough and the Republicans are the party of people who are tough, I don't see how that helps us," said one senior Democratic strategist who asked not to be identified while discussing party strategy.


The dilemma for Democrats is that although Angry Left paranoiacs and civil-liberties fetishists constitute a big chunk of the party base, there aren't nearly enough of them to make up a majority of the country.
Poll finds surprising optimists

A "zero hour" mentality is said to make Afghans upbeatIraqis and Afghans are among the most optimistic people in the world when it comes to their economic future, a new survey for the BBC suggests.
Italians join people in Zimbabwe and DR Congo as the most downcast about their future, according to the poll of 37,500 people in 32 nations. The World Bank gets a clear vote of confidence, with 55% saying it has a positive influence in the world. Its biggest boosters are in regions where it is most active.
Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania, Indonesia and Afghanistan showed marked support for the World Bank.
The poll marks a rare boost for the bank's officials, who often are the focus of criticism both from politicians and anti-poverty campaigners around the world.
Click for further details on economic optimism
Canadians are bullish not just about their own finances (64%), but also about the economic prospects of their country (63%). They are joined in their optimism by the people of two countries devastated by war and civil conflict, Iraq and Afghanistan.
In Afghanistan, 70% say their own circumstances are improving, and 57% believe that the country overall is on the way up.
In Iraq, 65% believe their personal life is getting better, and 56% are upbeat about the country's economy.
The experts at polling firm Globescan, who conducted the survey, venture the guess that war may have created a "year zero" experience of collectively starting again.

Other countries feeling good about themselves are India, Finland, South Africa, Australia, Senegal and the UK. Among the six countries with unhappy majorities, Zimbabweans stand out as the most miserable lot.
An overwhelming 90% of those interviewed say their country's economy is getting worse, and 84% are dubious about their own financial future. Perhaps surprisingly, the war-ravaged Democratic Republic of Congo has similar numbers of pessimists to prosperous Italy and South Korea, where nearly 80% worry about their nation's economy and between 53 and 63% believe their own financial future will be difficult.
Indonesians, meanwhile, still feel the economic aftermath of the devastating tsunami a year ago.
And while France appears to sink in gloom, Germans seem to believe that their economy is turning the corner. The BBC World Service poll was released on the day before the start of the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos, where issues like poverty and economic success are high on the agenda.
Top company executives and world leaders will discuss how to tackle economic failure in developing countries, and the impact of globalisation in the industrialised world.
The poll surveyed 37,572 people in 32 countries between October 2005 and January 2006.

Orlistat

By ANDREW BRIDGES, Associated Press Writer Tue Jan 24, 9:35 AM ET

WASHINGTON - A pharmaceutical company hopes to begin selling this year a fat-blocking pill directly to millions of overweight Americans who now only have access to a prescription version of the drug. The Food and Drug Administration could approve over-the-counter sales of orlistat in the next few months, said George Quesnelle, president of GlaxoSmithKline Consumer Healthcare North America. If orlistat wins a nonprescription OK, it would become the first such weight-loss pill to win the FDA's sanction. An FDA advisory panel voted 11-3 late Monday to recommend that the regulatory agency approve the nonprescription form of orlistat, which Glaxo would market as Alli... "We are excited about the potential opportunity to provide consumers with an FDA-approved over-the-counter option that promotes gradual yet meaningful weight loss," Quesnelle said. When taken with meals, orlistat blocks the absorption of about one-quarter of any fat consumed. That fat — about 150 to 200 calories' worth — is passed out of the body in stools, which can be loose as a result. About half of patients in trials experienced gastrointestinal side effects, the company said. Glaxo officials cautioned that orlistat is no magic pill: In six-month clinical trials, obese people who took the pills lost on average 5.3 pounds to 6.2 pounds more than did those who were given dummy pills. Once they ceased taking the drug, its effect stopped and they began to regain the weight they had lost, said Dr. Julie Golden, a medical officer in the FDA's division of metabolism and endocrinology products.Quesnelle said people could resume use or seek help from a doctor if they gain weight. "Orlistat is a tool that will help people control their calorie intake and modify their diet," said John Dent, the pharmaceutical company's senior vice president of research and development.
A bevy of potentially distasteful and embarrassing side effects struck about half the participants in trials of the drug. Those side effects, including fecal incontinence, gas and oily discharge that spotted the undergarments of trial participants, are likely to limit the appeal of the pill.


-Sounds fine to me

Tuesday, January 24, 2006

http://www.buddyhead.com/music/bestof2005/

Neil Diamond
12 Songs

After another sold out tour where Neil ended every night by stacking moms in his hotel room, he decided that this time while he’s off the road, he’d make a record instead of hanging out in Vegas in a gold sequined jumpsuit, touching more pussies than branches you have on your family tree. So he hooks up with the world’s fattest vegan, Rick Rubin, and they rent a house in the hills where some 70’s hippie orgy that went murderously wrong took place. They light candles, smoke pot, listen to the reels of “Reign In Blood” at deafening volumes while Neil plays “air bass” and Rubin watches while he puts away 8 gallons of Tofutti, grow shitty beards, eat straw and tree bark, and avoid showering at all costs. Ultimately they end up with a killer record that brings Neil “back to his roots”. Don’t worry though, he’s not selling out the scene. He’s still gonna pork moms and feather his hair.

Gifts from your Dog's own hair!

http://www.geocities.com/roverscomb/
Media's coverage of scandal exposes bias
By Bruce Bartlett
Jan 24, 2006

One of the things that drives Republicans crazy is the media’s enormous double-standard in how it covers various scandals. While day after day we read on the front pages about how awful it was that a Republican congressman played golf with some lobbyist—as if that is the epitome of unethical behavior—cases of actual criminality by Democrats are buried on the back pages.
For example, on Jan. 12, the New York Times ran yet another article on page one linking Rep. Tom DeLay, Republican of Texas, and convicted lobbyist Jack Abramoff, along with two columns about Abramoff on the inside pages. There was absolutely nothing new in any of these articles.
That same day, however, there was real news about a former aide to Rep. William Jefferson, Democrat of Louisiana, who pleaded guilty the day before to bribing the congressman. The aide, Brett Pfeffer, said that his former boss had demanded a stake in Pfeffer’s business in return for his support. He also alleged that Jefferson had insisted that two of his relatives be put on Pfeffer’s payroll.
Apparently, the FBI has been investigating Jefferson for some time. It has raided his home and wired conversations with him in a sting operation.
So how did the Times handle this hot news? It appeared on page 28. Moreover, the Times couldn’t even be bothered to have one of its own reporters look into the case and instead ran Associated Press wire copy.
Also on Jan. 12, on page five of the second section, the Times reported that a state assemblyman who had formerly headed the Brooklyn Democratic Party was sentenced to jail a day earlier for receiving illegal contributions. The assemblyman, Clarence Norman Jr., faces other charges as well.
On Jan. 23, the Times reported that former Atlanta mayor Bill Campbell is on trial for receiving payoffs of $150,000 from companies doing business with the city, as well as $100,000 in illegal campaign contributions and other gratuities. This article appeared on page 12.
Nowhere in the article was Mr. Campbell’s political affiliation mentioned. I had to do an Internet search to discover that he is a Democrat. Yet the article had plenty of space to discuss at some length what a great mayor Campbell had been.
I’m not saying that these stories should necessarily have been front-page news. But it does seem suspicious when news about Democratic corruption is systematically buried on the back pages, while the front page carries yet another rehash of the DeLay/Abramoff connection containing nothing new.
Ever since Watergate, a key media template has been that the Republican Party is the party of corruption. Thus every wrongdoing of any Republican tends to get page one treatment, while Democratic corruption is treated as routine and buried on the back pages, mentioned once and then forgotten.
Yet any objective study of comparative party corruption would have to conclude that Democrats are far more likely to be caught engaging in it than Republicans. For example, a review of misconduct cases in the House of Representatives since Watergate shows many more cases involving Democrats than Republicans.
Skeptics can go to the web site of the House Committee on Standards of Official Conduct, popularly known as the House Ethics Committee. Click on “historical documents” and go to a publication called “Historical Summary of Conduct Cases in the House of Representatives.” The document was last updated on November 9, 2004 and lists every ethics case since 1798, when Rep. Roger Griswold of Connecticut attacked Rep. Matthew Lyon of Vermont with a “stout cane” and Lyon responded with a pair of fireplace tongs.
By my count, there have been 70 different members of the House who have been investigated for serious offenses over the last 30 years, including many involving actual criminality and jail time. Of these, only 15 involved Republicans, with the remaining 55 involving Democrats.
I have no doubt that any poll of the American people asking which party had more frequently been the subject of House ethics investigations would show an overwhelming majority naming the Republicans, when the truth is that Democrats, historically, have been far more likely to have been investigated.
The reason is that the liberal media harp on Republican misdeeds monotonously because to them the subject never gets boring. By contrast, Democratic wrongdoing tends to be treated in a perfunctory manner with no follow-up. This imbalance of coverage, which is unrelated to the seriousness of the charges, naturally tends to make people think Republicans are more corrupt, when a reasonable person reviewing all the evidence would have to conclude that Democrats are much more likely to be corrupt.
Of course, another explanation for the disparate treatment may be that Democratic corruption is so commonplace that it really isn’t “news.” Democrats should consider that possibility before launching a campaign against Republican corruption.

Monday, January 23, 2006

http://www.kuro5hin.org/

[P]
U.S. Supreme Court ruling may rejuvenate medical marijuana debate (Politics)

By circletimessquare
Wed Jan 18th, 2006 at 04:41:58 PM EST

Freedom

I am in no way a legal expert, nor even a legal amateur, but even my dull senses cannot find an obvious escape from the pretty direct implications of a ruling the Supreme Court made on January 17, 2006, concerning Oregon's assisted suicide laws. From MSNBC:

In a stinging rebuke to the Bush administration, the US Supreme Court on Tuesday ruled that the US attorney-general cannot use federal drug laws to try to stop the right-to-die movement. The majority in the 6-3 ruling said the federal government cannot use the federal Controlled Substances Act to stop doctors from prescribing drugs to help terminally ill patients die. The ruling is a victory for advocates of physician-assisted suicide, since it will allow individual states to legalise the practice without running into problems under federal drug laws.

Could it be? Has the Supreme Court reopened the question of a state's right to prescribe drugs? To prescribe medical marijuana? Strangely enough I find agreement with the possibility from none other than Supreme Court Justice Thomas, who says pretty much exactly that in his dissenting opinion.....


http://www.kuro5hin.org/

interesting debate-

Arrrrghhh!

US Navy Seizes Pirate Ship Off Somalia.

DUBAI, United Arab Emirates - The U.S. Navy boarded an apparent pirate ship in the Indian Ocean and detained 26 men for questioning, the Navy said Sunday.
The 16 Indians and 10 Somali men were aboard a traditional dhow that was chased and seized Saturday by the U.S. guided missile destroyer USS Winston S. Churchill, said Lt. Leslie Hull-Ryde of U.S. Naval Forces Central Command in Bahrain.
The dhow stopped fleeing after the Churchill twice fired warning shots during the chase, which ended 54 miles off the coast of Somalia, the Navy said. U.S. sailors boarded the dhow and seized a cache of small arms.
The dhow’s crew and passengers were being questioned Sunday aboard the Churchill to determine which were pirates and which were legitimate crew members, Hull-Ryde said.
Sailors aboard the dhow told Navy investigators that pirates hijacked the vessel six days ago near Mogadishu and thereafter used it to stage pirate attacks on merchant ships.
The Churchill is part of a multinational task force patrolling the western Indian Ocean and Horn of Africa region to thwart terrorist activity and other lawlessness during the U.S.-led war in Iraq.

Sunday, January 22, 2006

Leif Garrett

I Was Made For Dancin'



You got me rollin' like a wheel on the road
Turnin' round and round, nowhere to go
I've got to find out if you're feeling it, too
It's hard to tell, so here's what I do
And everytime I want more
I'll take you out on the floor

I was made for dancin'
All-all-all, all night long
I was made for dancin'
All-all-all, all night long

Friday, January 20, 2006

L of C Deems Films "Culturally Significant"

The United States' National Film Registry is the registry of films selected by the National Film Preservation Board for preservation in the Library of Congress. The National Film Registry is meant to preserve up to 25 films deemed "culturally, historically or aesthetically significant" each year. To be eligible, films must be at least 10 years old. The films do not have to be feature-length or to have had a theatrical release. The Foundation's primary mission is to save so-called "orphan films," films without owners to pay for their preservation. The films most at risk are newsreels, silent films, experimental works, films out of copyright protection, significant amateur footage, documentary films, and features made outside the commercial mainstream. Hundreds of American museums, archives, libraries, universities, and historical societies care for "orphaned" original film materials of cultural value. As of 2005, there were 425 films preserved in the National Film Registry.
The most recent film is Toy Story (1995), and the oldest film is Blacksmith Scene (1893).

This list is a great resource to cinema.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_films_preserved_in_the_United_States_National_Film_Registry

Happy 76th Buzz

Thursday, January 19, 2006

NCAA Academic Standards



I am all for stronger academic standards, as long as they apply equally to athletes and CHEERLEADERS!

RIP Maston Simmons


"When I die, tell people I was two inches taller than David Lee Roth."
Maston Simmons 1966-2006

Wednesday, January 18, 2006

Kreese: Sweep the leg. [Johnny stares at him in shock]

Kreese: Do you have a problem with that?

Johnny: No, Sensei.

Kreese: No mercy.

A Great Link for Checking Winter Travel


This is the road I have to drive on tomorrow morning. I am very excited.

Ong Bak

See this movie- unreal fighting scenes- no wires or computers. I feel bad for the Thai Stuntman's Union, if there is one.

http://www.rottentomatoes.com/m/ongbak/

Bad Medicine?


Handing out cigarettes at Good Sam Portland 1957. Photo by Clyde Putnam

Tuesday, January 17, 2006

జిడ్డు కృష్ణమూర్తి

That's the chocolate I am talking about!

Hot Chocolate http://www.cnn.com/2006/US/01/17/nagin.city/index.html

Ray Nagin, the mayor of New Orleans, managed to give a speech with something to offend just about everyone. CNN reports:

Nagin on Monday called for the rebuilding of a "chocolate New Orleans" that maintains the city's black majority, saying, "You can't have New Orleans no other way."
"I don't care what people are saying Uptown or wherever they are. This city will be chocolate at the end of the day," Nagin said in a Martin Luther King Jr. Day speech. "This city will be a majority African-American city. It's the way God wants it to be." . . .
In his speech, Nagin also said "God is mad at America," in part because he does not approve "of us being in Iraq under false pretenses."
"He is sending hurricane after hurricane after hurricane, and it is destroying and putting stress on this country," Nagin said.
He said God is "upset at black America also."
Fox News reports that Nagin said today "that if he could, he would take back some of the comments that he made." CNN's report includes this explanation of the "chocolate" comment:

"How do you make chocolate? You take dark chocolate, you mix it with white milk, and it becomes a delicious drink. That is the chocolate I am talking about," he said.

What a dipshit-

Hollywood Foreign Press

Did anyone see the Golden Globes last night? I toggled between them and the UFC on Spike.
Do you think there were any politics involved? Brace yourself for the Oscars-
  • Of course, multiple awards to "Brokeback Mountain"
  • An award for a transexual portrayal
  • An award to "Paradise Now"- a humanizing portrait of Palestinian suicide bombers

Wow. Really in step with normal folks. If people in Hollywood are so courageous and accepting, why aren't their more "out" stars (Spacey!)? How about transgendered talent?

The Left hates inequality, not injustice
By Dennis Prager
Jan 17, 2006

To understand any political ideology, one must understand what most animates it. For the Left, it is hatred of inequality...for the Left, inequality is the ultimate evil. If ever there were a smoking gun as to what animates most leftists, the many expressions of the need for judges to favor "the little guy" in their courtroom constitute that smoking gun. The prime Democratic objection to confirming Judge Samuel Alito to the Supreme Court was that he does not rule in favor of the average Joe in his courtroom. Democratic Sen. Ted Kennedy: "Average Americans have had a hard time getting a fair shake in his [Alito's] courtroom." Democratic Sen. Richard Durbin: "I find this as a recurring pattern, and it raises the question in my mind whether the average person, the dispossessed person, the poor person who finally has their day in court . . . are going to be subject to the crushing hand of fate when it comes to your decisions." Democratic Sen. Herb Kohl: "The neutral approach, that of the judge just applying the law, is very often inadequate to ensure social progress . . . "
For those on the Left, law, and everything else, is subservient to equality.
Everyone, whether able to articulate it or not, has a values system. The trick -- often a difficult trick -- is to isolate precisely what those values are. The Left is now, as it has always been, the child of the French Revolution and of Karl Marx. For both, the greatest evil is not injustice, not cruelty, not even murder; it is inequality. Some years ago in Idaho, I moderated a panel for the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. One of the panelists was a former California Supreme Court justice, a liberal. He noted in his remarks that he saw the primary purpose of a judge as the righting of society's economic and other social inequalities. In response, I noted that, with all due respect, that is not the purpose of a judge. The purpose of a court proceeding is to render a just verdict; if he wanted to end inequality, the judge had entered the wrong profession. He should have been a politician, a social activist, a clergyman or a radio talk show host. But not a judge. This idea that one should use virtually all of society's institutions to shape society in its image is a trademark of the Left. Another example is the news media. The primary purpose of news reporters and newspapers is to report the news. However, for most news journalists today, that goal is actually boring. One is supposed to use news columns to advocate social change. That is the reason for liberal news media, just as it is the reason for liberal justices. For liberals, judging and news reporting are vehicles to achieving equality and other goals of "social justice." The New York Times put Abu Ghraib prison abuse stories on its front page for 30 consecutive days not because it merited such attention but to further its anti-war and anti-Bush politics. Yet another example is education. The Left rejects the notion that the primary purpose of education, whether middle school, high school or college, is simply to educate young people. The purpose is to promote the values the Left believes in, from environmentalism to sex education to multiculturalism and its understanding of tolerance....That is why Judge Alito is so frightening to the Left. He truly believes that the purpose of a judge and of the Supreme Court is to apply the law in as agenda-free a manner as humanly possible. He knows that the role of the Supreme Court is not to promote socioeconomic equality but to preserve the rule of law.

Dennis Prager is a radio talk show host, author, and contributing columnist for Townhall.com.

Monday, January 16, 2006

Der Spiegel and Rumsfeld

"SPIEGEL: The US is trying to make the case in the United Nations Security Council.
Rumsfeld: I would not say that. I thought France, Germany and the UK were working on that problem.
SPIEGEL: What kind of sanctions are we talking about?
Rumsfeld: I'm not talking about sanctions. I thought you, and the U.K. and France were.
SPIEGEL: You aren't?
Rumsfeld: I'm not talking about sanctions. You've got the lead. Well, lead!
SPIEGEL: You mean the Europeans.
Rumsfeld: Sure. My Goodness, Iran is your neighbour. We don't have to do everything!
SPIEGEL: We are in the middle of regime change in Germany...
Rumsfeld: ... that's hardly the phrase I would have selected."

http://service.spiegel.de/cache/international/0,1518,382527,00.html
An open letter to Germany's chancellor
By Diana West
Jan 16, 2006

Good morning, Madame Chancellor.
Here you are, Germany's Angela Merkel, on your first trip to Washington, D.C., preparing for your meeting with President Bush. As you look out of your Blair House window over Lafayette Square toward the White House, consider the historicity of the era: the beginning of Mr. Bush's fifth year leading his country, and the beginning of your first year leading your country in the so-called War on Terror. Or is that the War on Guantanamo Bay? I get them confused.
That's because in just about every account of your American trip -- biggish news in Europe -- it is prominently mentioned that Guantanamo Bay is prominently high on your list of, well, prominent concerns. Trouble spots. Global things you lose sleep over.
This is, with due respect, bizarre. Iran is going nuclear, Europe is going Islamic, Russia is going off the reservation, China is a fearsome thing, and your big concern is sending what is called a "clear message" to Mr. Bush about Guantanamo Bay, the tropical jail where the United States keeps jihadis on ice -- and keeps the rest of the world safer as a result. But that's not what you say. "An institution like Guantanamo can and should not exist in the longer term," you told the German news magazine Der Spiegel this week. "Different ways and means must be found for dealing with these prisoners."
I have a suggestion: How about if we ship all these guys -- unflushed Korans and all -- to Germany? Maybe "72 Virgins" Airlines would cut us a deal. Then you -- Germany -- can parole them to Lebanon.
That, of course, is just what you did just before Christmas with Muhammad Ali Hammadi, the convicted Hezbollah killer of Petty Officer Robert Dean Stethem. In case you didn't know, Mr. Stethem is one of our American heroes, a courageous young Navy diver who became an early casualty of the war on Islamic terror. In 1985, at age 23, he was beaten to an unrecognizable pulp by Hammadi and his gang, shot through the head and dumped onto a Beirut runway during the Hezbollah hijacking of TWA Flight 847. But, as his brother Kenneth reminded President Bush in a letter this week posted by Michael Ledeen at National Review Online, "He wouldn't give in to the demands of the terrorists," who wanted him to scream into a transmitter for airplane fuel. "He would not allow the honor and dignity of America to be intimidated by the fear and pain that Hammadi and terrorists everywhere represent." Such is the Hezbollah terrorist that you, Madame Chancellor, set free. And funny thing: Shortly after, your own German hostage in Iraq, Suzanne Osthoff, was released from captivity. Which is quite a coincidence. But so was the fact that after the hostage-takers said Ms. Osthoff would be killed unless Germany stopped training Iraqi security forces, the Iraqi government announced, according to the news Web site Deutsche Welle, that Iraq would be seeking security training elsewhere. And there was more. Osthoff says Germany paid a ransom to secure her freedom, maybe as much as $5 million, according to a German wire service report translated online by Transatlantic Intelligencer. In other words, despite your refusal to be "blackmailed" over Ms. Osthoff's release, Germany seems to be a country terrorists can do business with -- including, very possibly, Robert Stethem's killer, and his Hezbollah masters with Iraqi terror connections.
But doing business with terrorists doesn't buy peace. It just buys more business. I'm guessing that publicly confronting President Bush over Guantanamo is, along these same lines, business as usual -- doing jihadists' bidding in a craven bid to spare Germany a 9/11, a 3/11 or a 7/7. It's just a hunch; but it fits a dispiriting pattern of surrender.
Such a pattern never marked Robert Stethem, as his brother's letter reminded the president: "You have truly said that 'We are in a fight for our principles, and our responsibility is to live by them,'" Kenneth Stethem wrote. "Robert lived by them. Robert also died by them. ... I hope that his example, and the example of the other heroes like him, can inspire you to understand why allowing Germany to release Hammadi was a wrong. Justice was not done. Robert was not honored and Americans are not safer by allowing Hammadi to return to Lebanon and Hezbollah."
Of course, Germany isn't safer either, nor is any other Western nation. This is the "clear message" I certainly hope you hear from President Bush.

Diana West is a contributing columnist for Townhall.com.

Friday, January 13, 2006

"Economically, we should factor in the real possibility that Iranian oil might be off the global market, and prepare — we have been here before with the Iranian embargo of 1979 — for colossal gasoline price hikes. This should also be a reminder that Ahmadinejad, Saddam, Hugo Chavez, and an ascendant and increasingly undemocratic Putin all had in common both petrodollar largess and desperate Western, Chinese, and Indian importers willing to overlook almost anything to slake their thirst. Unless we develop an energy policy that collapses the global oil price, for the next half-century expect every few years something far creepier than the Saudi Royals and Col. Moammar Gadhafi to threaten the world order."

-Victor David Hanson 1/13/06
Stupid in America
Why your kids are probably dumber than Belgians
John Stossel

For "Stupid in America," a special report ABC will air Friday, we gave identical tests to high school students in New Jersey and in Belgium. The Belgian kids cleaned the American kids' clocks. The Belgian kids called the American students "stupid."
We didn't pick smart kids to test in Europe and dumb kids in the United States. The American students attend an above-average school in New Jersey, and New Jersey's kids have test scores that are above average for America.
The American boy who got the highest score told me: "I'm shocked, 'cause it just shows how advanced they are compared to us."
The Belgians did better because their schools are better. At age ten, American students take an international test and score well above the international average. But by age fifteen, when students from forty countries are tested, the Americans place twenty-fifth. The longer kids stay in American schools, the worse they do in international competition. They do worse than kids from countries that spend much less money on education.
This should come as no surprise once you remember that public education in the USA is a government monopoly. Don't like your public school? Tough. The school is terrible? Tough. Your taxes fund that school regardless of whether it's good or bad. That's why government monopolies routinely fail their customers. Union-dominated monopolies are even worse.
In New York City, it's "just about impossible" to fire a bad teacher, says schools chancellor Joel Klein. The new union contract offers slight relief, but it's still about 200 pages of bureaucracy. "We tolerate mediocrity," said Klein, because "people get paid the same, whether they're outstanding, average, or way below average." One teacher sent sexually oriented emails to "Cutie 101," his sixteen year old student. Klein couldn't fire him for years, "He hasn't taught, but we have had to pay him, because that's what's required under the contract."
They've paid him more than $300,000, and only after 6 years of litigation were they able to fire him. Klein employs dozens of teachers who he's afraid to let near the kids, so he has them sit in what they call "rubber rooms." This year he will spend twenty million dollars to warehouse teachers in five rubber rooms. It's an alternative to firing them. In the last four years, only two teachers out of 80,000 were fired for incompetence.
When I confronted Union president Randi Weingarten about that, she said, "they [the NYC school board] just don't want to do the work that's entailed." But the "work that's entailed" is so onerous that most principals just give up, or get bad teachers to transfer to another school. They even have a name for it: "the dance of the lemons."
The inability to fire the bad and reward the good is the biggest reason schools fail the kids. Lack of money is often cited the reason schools fail, but America doubled per pupil spending, adjusting for inflation, over the last 30 years. Test scores and graduation rates stayed flat. New York City now spends an extraordinary $11,000 per student. That's $220,000 for a classroom of twenty kids. Couldn't you hire two or three excellent teachers and do a better job with $220,000?
Only a monopoly can spend that much money and still fail the kids.
The U.S. Postal Service couldn't get it there overnight. But once others were allowed to compete, Federal Express, United Parcel, and others suddenly could get it there overnight. Now even the post office does it (sometimes). Competition inspires people to do what we didn't think we could do.
If people got to choose their kids' school, education options would be endless. There could soon be technology schools, cheap Wal-Mart-like schools, virtual schools where you learn at home on your computer, sports schools, music schools, schools that go all year, schools with uniforms, schools that open early and keep kids later, and, who knows? If there were competition, all kinds of new ideas would bloom.
This already happens overseas. In Belgium, for example, the government funds education—at any school—but if the school can't attract students, it goes out of business. Belgian school principal Kaat Vandensavel told us she works hard to impress parents. "If we don't offer them what they want for their child, they won't come to our school." She constantly improves the teaching, "You can't afford ten teachers out of 160 that don't do their work, because the clients will know, and won't come to you again."
"That's normal in Western Europe," Harvard economist Caroline Hoxby told me. "If schools don't perform well, a parent would never be trapped in that school in the same way you could be trapped in the U.S."
Last week, Florida's Supreme Court shut down "opportunity scholarships," Florida's small attempt at competition. Public money can't be spent on private schools, said the court, because the state constitution commands the funding only of "uniform, . . . high-quality" schools. But government schools are neither uniform nor high-quality, and without competition, no new teaching plan or No Child Left Behind law will get the monopoly to serve its customers well.
A Gallup Poll survey shows 76 percent of Americans are either completely or somewhat satisfied with their kids' public school, but that's only because they don't know what their kids are missing. Without competition, unlike Belgian parents, they don't know what their kids might have had.

John Stossel is an ABC News correspondent and co-anchor of 20/20. His special Stupid in America airs Friday, January 13, at 10 pm.

http://readyfreddy.com/explore.html

My birthday is 7/22....

Boooom

A good OpinionJournal piece on the feckless European Union approach to Iran’s nuclear ambitions: Unserious Consequences.

"Iran’s decision yesterday to resume what it dubs “nuclear research” is garnering stern criticism in unexpected quarters. Mohammed ElBaradei, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), says he’s “running out of patience” with Tehran. French Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy urges the mullahs to “immediately and unconditionally reverse the decision.” His German counterpart, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, warns that matters cannot continue this way “without consequences,” citing Iran’s actions as a violation of the November 2004 Paris Accord in which Tehran agreed to suspend its nuclear programs. It’s almost enough to think the Europeans and their friends finally mean to get serious with Iran. Almost, but not quite. Thus, even as Iran announced plans to break the IAEA seals on the centrifuges of its Natanz uranium enrichment facility, Austrian Chancellor (and temporary president of the European Union) Wolfgang Schüssel warned that it would be premature to discuss sanctions. Javier Solana, the EU foreign policy chief, added that “every effort must be made to convince the Iranians to return to the previous situation, to negotiations.” Mr. Solana’s idea of getting tough with the Iranians is apparently to beg them to show up for lunch.
The Iranians have seen this European two-step before."

Page Six

NORRIS 'FACTS' ARE A REAL KICK

ACTION icon Chuck Norris isn't sure what to make of a hysterical list of "facts" about him making the rounds on the Web. The absurdist send-up, titled "Top 30 Chuck Norris Facts," lists the butt-kicking B-lister's imaginary attributes, with particular emphasis on his penchant for delivering roundhouse kicks to the face. Selections include: "Chuck Norris is currently suing NBC, claiming 'Law & Order' are trademarked names for his left and right legs;" "The chief export of Chuck Norris is pain;" and, "Chuck Norris' tears cure cancer. Too bad he has never cried." On his Web site yesterday, the "Walker Texas Ranger" actor posted his "Response to the 'Random Facts' that are Being Generated on the Internet." "Some are funny. Some are pretty far out," Norris writes.

SF Tour

A day in San Franscisco...

http://www.zombietime.com/my_san_francisco_day/

Tuesday, January 10, 2006

'Peeing Calvin' Decals Now Recognized As Vital Channel Of National Discourse
April 5, 2000 Issue 36•12

Throughout its 224-year history, America has had many channels of discourse, its citizens expressing themselves by means ranging from pamphlets to protests, newspaper editorials to televised debates. In recent years, however, a significant new avenue of expression has emerged: "Peeing Calvin" decals.
An example of the new direction American cultural discourse is taking.
Originally appearing on trucks as a salvo in the age-old Ford-Chevy debate, the popular stickers–which feature a bootlegged image of "Calvin" from the Bill Watterson comic strip Calvin & Hobbes urinating on a rival brand–have expanded to depict Calvin expressing urinary disapproval of a dazzling array of offenders.
Today, at the dawn of a new millennium, the terse but expressive decals are a vital part of our national dialogue, used by millions of Americans to exchange viewpoints and ideas about the important issues of the day.
"I used to devote hours to reading newspapers and magazines in an effort to understand my world and the issues that shape it," said Tuscaloosa, AL, resident Elvin Crosley, who proudly sports decals of Calvin urinating on a Democratic Party donkey and Greenpeace logo in the rear window of his pick-up truck. "But that became a tremendous expenditure of time I simply couldn't afford. These decals make a concise, digestible point in approximately two seconds and reach a far wider audience than I could by writing letters to my local paper or congressman."
Joseph Briggs of Gastonia, SC, recently adorned his truck with a sticker of Calvin voiding his bladder on a Dallas Cowboys helmet.
"By displaying Calvin in the rear window of my vehicle, I tell the world that I am a kindred spirit to Watterson's perceptive and preternaturally intelligent six-year-old. In the depiction of urination, I convey the very human emotions of anger and discontent. Lastly, the image at the bottom of the tableau directs that palette of rage at a specific target–in this case, the hated Dallas Cowboys–subjecting the team to shame and ignominy and bringing closure to the cycle."
Of late, the stickers' reach has moved beyond the realm of automotive media. The March 31 issue of Newsweek featured a George Will "Last Word" editorial consisting of a page-sized image of Calvin urinating on House Resolution 237, a proposal which would allocate $520 million for the construction of federally subsidized daycare facilities in low-income areas.
The decals have proven so popular that other cartoonists have attempted to replicate their success. Beetle Bailey cartoonist Mort Walker recently launched a line of "Defecating General Halftrack" decals. Also unveiled were "Vomiting Funky Winkerbean" and "Expectorating Snuffy Smith" stickers.
Last week, Watterson and Universal Press Syndicate filed suit against the makers of the Peeing Calvin stickers, arguing that they are produced without permission and constitute unauthorized use of a trademarked character. The suit was denounced by ACLU president Nadine Strossen, who called it "an unconscionable attempt to gag free speech in America."
"Watterson and the Universal Press Syndicate are attempting to block citizens from exercising their constitutional right to freely express ideas and opinions," Strossen said. "Peeing Calvin stickers may not have existed in 1789, but they are precisely the sort of thing the Framers had in mind when authoring the First Amendment."
Strossen punctuated her remarks by affixing to her car a decal of Calvin urinating on the Universal Press Syndicate logo before being handcuffed and led away by police.

Funny stuff

A BLACK police bodyguard who protected the Duchess of Cornwall has won $70,000 compensation after suing Scotland Yard for "over-promoting" him because of political correctness.

Sgt Leslie Turner -- the first black personal protection officer to guard the royal family -- will receive the "racial discrimination" payout after reaching an out-of-court settlement with London's Metropolitan Police.
His representatives argued he landed the prestigious job as Camilla's bodyguard only because he was black.

It was claimed that as a result of being over-promoted and not receiving proper training and support, Sgt Turner made mistakes which led to him being re-assigned.

He launched legal proceedings against the force in October and Scotland Yard chiefs have agreed to pay "substantial" compensation -- understood to be about $70,000 -- to the married father of two.

Colleagues of Sgt Turner, who was born in Britain, say he is a "model professional"' who had a good relationship with Prince Charles and Camilla.

He began guarding Charles in August, 2004 and was re-assigned to Camilla in February last year when the royal couple were engaged.

But in June, it emerged he had suddenly been replaced.

Royal insiders stress that the decision to move him was not taken directly by Clarence House. But they concede that the race row is extremely embarrassing for Charles and Camilla.

Had Sgt Turner's case reached a tribunal, potentially embarrassing secrets about Charles and Camilla's lives may have been aired.

A Met spokesman refused to confirm the compensation deal.

Culture Wars

Why the Culture War Is the Wrong War

It's time to challenge the metaphor—and the easy caricatures of left and right that sustain it
by E. J. Dionne Jr.
.....
s there a culture war in the United States? Of course. There always has been and always will be.
Those who battle today over gay marriage or abortion might usefully remember our unusual national experiment with banning the sale of alcohol, one of America's defining cultural moments. It pitted self-control (or puritanism) against pleasure (or self-indulgence), immigrants against the native-born, Protestants against Catholics—and, yes, Protestants against Protestants, the drinking Lutherans and Episcopalians against the abstemious Baptists and Methodists. This being America, even the moralists had a sense of humor about themselves. "They pray for Prohibition," went the ditty, "and then they vote for gin."
Of course we have culture wars, because there are so many different kinds of us. The Scots-Irish and the Yankees created very different cultures and different forms of politics: witness the long-standing historical differences between New Hampshire and Vermont. When Irish and Italian immigrants weren't battling each other, they were fighting the old-family English, a.k.a. the WASP establishment. When the establishment ran short on votes, it enlisted one immigrant group or another—the Italians in New York, the French-Canadians in New England—to battle the Irish or some other rising culture.
Of course we have culture wars, because the great nation to our south is Spanish-speaking. Mexican-Americans have been part of us from the beginning—from before the beginning, actually, since some of our country is conquered Mexican territory. They are thoroughly American, no less assimilated than Italians were a century ago. But they also have a culture and language of their own, and that makes some Anglos uneasy.
Of course we have culture wars, because we have always been a nation in which big-city values fight the values of the countryside. "Burn down your cities and leave our farms, and your cities will spring up again as if by magic," declared William Jennings Bryan, the Great Commoner who spoke for country folk. "But destroy our farms, and the grass will grow in the streets of every city in the country." Now, that's cultural warfare. Americans thinking of themselves as "modern" and "advanced" have always battled other Americans whom they wrote off as backward and parochial. The people dismissed as backward have always looked down on highfalutin big-city folks as hopelessly immoral. Today these battling types are all intermixed in suburbs and exurbs, though they try hard to congregate with their own kind.
And yes, we are black and white, and much that passes for cultural warfare is also racial warfare. We are a country that waged a civil war over slavery and states' rights. Whether you explain that war in terms of the former or of the latter is still a sign, more than 140 years after it ended, of where your sympathies lie.
This history is important, because we talk about the culture war as if it were a novel creation of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. There is a hidden assumption that we were once a happy, homogenous nation that came apart only when hippies preached free love, the religious right rose, secularists became more assertive, the Supreme Court began issuing liberal decisions, talk-show hosts began yelling, and intelligent designers began lobbying school boards. Our perception of today's cultural battlefield is shaped by a view of the 1950s as conflict-free. So we forget that the seeds of modern feminism were planted in Ozzie and Harriet's day, with the rise of a large generation of well-educated women. We forget that the hippies of the 1960s were preceded by the Beats of the 1950s. On the Road was published in 1957, not 1967. Norman Podhoretz, who was to become a central figure in the rise of neo-conservatism, gave hints of the battles to come when, as a liberal, he wrote a devastating attack in 1958 on the Beat sensibility of Jack Kerouac. Before the battles in the 1960s and 1970s to legalize abortion there were fights in the late 1940s to legalize birth control. We think of today's conflicts over the display of monuments in honor of the Ten Commandments as the product of a uniquely fractious time. But Americans have always argued over the public role of the Ten Commandments. Many citizens were left dead in Philadelphia after riots in 1844 over which version of the Bible (including which version of the commandments) should be used in the public schools.
So we should not be surprised today by battles over abortion and gay marriage, divisions between the more and the less religious, and fierce struggles over who should sit on the Supreme Court, how to settle the fate of those near the end of their lives, whether or not the government should finance stem-cell research. The culture war is nothing new. It is also not exactly what we think it is.
he great virtue of the culture-war argument is also its great flaw: we can all use the debate to present our ideal visions or fierce criticisms of the United States, our pet views on human nature, our dreams about how politics (or the entertainment industry, the schools, family life) should be organized. The empirical argument over whether there is a culture war is often lost in polemics about which side one should take—assuming, of course, that there is a war.
My view (and it can be subjected to all these criticisms) is unapologetically Clintonian: Yes, there is a culture war, and no, there isn't. It depends on what the meaning of "culture war" is.
If one looks primarily at the extremes of opinion (and I use "extremes" descriptively, not pejoratively), of course there is a deep cultural conflict in the United States. It is waged between the 15 to 20 percent of the country that is both profoundly religious and staunchly conservative and the 15 to 20 percent that is both profoundly secular and staunchly liberal. One can quibble about the exact numbers at each end; religious conservatives probably outnumber secular liberals, though the secular group is growing. But there is no doubt that these two groups exist, have very strong feelings, and on the whole can't stand each other. They regularly toss epithets across their divide. The godly attack the ungodly. The tolerant attack the intolerant. The cosmopolitan attack the parochial. The rooted attack the rootless. Moralists attack the permissive.
But whatever the numbers, those most ardently engaged on both sides of this fight, taken together, do not constitute a majority of Americans. I would reckon (and much social-science evidence supports this) that 60 to 70 percent of us fall at some middle point. Those in the middle may tilt a bit left or a bit right, but they often have mixed or ambivalent views. Many defy stereotypes: right-to-lifers for gay marriage; pro-choicers against assisted suicide; devoutly religious liberals; decidedly agnostic conservatives. And many simply run away at the first sign that a cultural battle is about to break out.
Network exit polls in the 2004 election suggested how broad the non-warring middle is. Asked about abortion, 21 percent of voters said that it should always be legal, 34 percent that it should mostly be legal, 26 percent that it should mostly be illegal, and 16 percent that it should always be illegal. Viewed one way, respondents were "pro-choice" by a margin of 55 to 42 percent. Viewed another way, 60 percent of them gravitated to a "middle" position on abortion. There most certainly is a conflict akin to a culture war among the 37 percent of Americans—21 percent consistently pro-choice, 16 percent consistently pro-life—who were absolutely certain about where they stood on abortion. The rest of the population watches the battle from the sidelines, sometimes with sympathy for one camp or the other, but without anything like the engagement or commitment of the true warriors.
Meanwhile, the exit polls found that 25 percent of voters thought gays and lesbians should be able to marry legally, 35 percent favored civil unions, and 37 percent opposed any legal recognition for gay relationships. These findings could be used mischievously by either side in the argument. It can truthfully be said that 72 percent of voters opposed gay marriage. With equal truthfulness it can be said that 60 percent favored either gay marriage or civil unions.
A case can be made that journalists, and political activists trying to mobilize constituencies, are largely responsible for the idea that we are polarized. The political scientist Morris Fiorina is not being excessively cynical when he says that the notion of a culture war gives life to "useful fund-raising strategies" on the part of culture warriors.
"Certainly, one can find a few warriors who engage in noisy skirmishes," Fiorina wrote in Culture War? The Myth of a Polarized Society (2004).

Many of the activists in the political parties and the various cause groups do, in fact, hate each other and regard themselves as combatants in a war. But their hatreds and battles are not shared by the great mass of the American people—certainly nowhere near to '80-90 percent of the country'—who are for the most part moderate in their views and tolerant in their manner.
Rather provocatively, Fiorina added, "The bulk of the American citizenry is somewhat in the position of the unfortunate citizens of some third-world countries who try to stay out of the crossfire while Maoist guerrillas and right-wing death squads shoot at each other."
Here again the yes-and-no answer to the culture-war question provides a useful correction. Fiorina is quite right that many Americans want to stay out of culture wars, and that we are on the whole both moderate and tolerant. Yet as the numbers on abortion and gay marriage suggest, the proportion of us who care a great deal about these matters is rather larger than his metaphor of guerrillas versus death squads would imply. And arguments about these questions are passionately carried on well beyond the elite level of American life.
Americans who attend religious services more than once a week voted overwhelmingly for George W. Bush in 2004. Those who never attend voted heavily for John Kerry. As William Galston and Elaine Kamarck showed in their important recent essay "The Politics of Polarization," written for the organization Third Way, this particular religious divide is something new. The old divisions have not gone away: one of the largest voting gaps is between blacks and whites, and there is also a divide between Jews, who are strongly Democratic, and white gentiles, who tilt Republican. But an additional divide pits traditionalist or orthodox believers of almost all stripes (including Orthodox Jews but not African-American Christians) against doubters, unbelievers, and more-liberal or "modernist" believers.
James Davison Hunter, a sociologist at the University of Virginia who introduced the culture-war concept to a wide audience, defines the orthodox or traditionalist view as "the commitment on the part of adherents to an external, definable, and transcendent authority." In progressivism, on the other hand, "moral authority tends to be defined by the spirit of the modern age, a spirit of rationalism and subjectivism."
These conflicting world views play out across many issues related to religion and science, family life and sexuality. Pundits did not invent the battle over Terri Schiavo's fate or the arguments over whether intelligent design should be taught as part of science curricula in the public schools. Karl Rove was not a fool for deciding to mobilize Christian churches on Bush's behalf in 2004.
But neither was Rove a fool for encouraging Bush to speak cautiously on these matters, lest he turn off too many of that mass of moderate and tolerant voters to whom Fiorina rightly calls our attention. During his debates with John Kerry in 2004 Bush emphasized his respect for "the culture of life," but he would never say flatly that he favored overturning Roe v. Wade. Because those pro-lifers who were genuinely engaged in the warfare over abortion allowed Bush to speak in code, he did not have to drag more-moderate voters into a war they wanted no part of. Kerry tried to choreograph a similarly intricate cultural dance on gay marriage. He sent strong signals of sympathy to the gay community, and criticized Bush for dragging the "divisive" issue into national politics. But Kerry also said explicitly that he was opposed to gay marriage.
This strange approach to politics, involving nudges, nods, and winks on cultural issues, reflects the real division in the nation: between those who want to have a culture war and those who don't. At election time political candidates need simultaneously to "rally the base," which includes a heavy quotient of culture warriors, and to "appeal to the center," meaning the majority (often left of center on economic issues), which sees health care, education, jobs, taxes, and national security as central concerns trumping gay marriage or abortion. The result is a strained, dysfunctional, and often dishonest political dialogue based on symbolic utterances. Hot-button questions that rally particular sectors of the electorate—and draw listeners and viewers to confrontational radio and television programs—pre-empt serious discussion of what ails American culture and society.
Why Can't They Be Like Us?, the title of Father Andrew Greeley's 1971 book, is also a very old American question. Yet we often answer the question by ignoring it. Sometimes we even acknowledge that "they" are more like "us" than we want to admit. Occasionally we'll notice that the culture war rages inside individuals at least as much as between groups. Spotting this fact is one of the sociologist Alan Wolfe's great contributions to the culture-war debate, enabling him to conclude, as the title of his 1998 book has it, that we are "one nation, after all."
Prohibitionists sometimes pray for gin. Cultural liberals are as appalled as anyone else that their children might watch X-rated movies or cruise dangerous Web sites. Cultural conservatives who have gay friends cannot abide prejudice against homosexuals. Opponents of abortion often cannot find it in themselves to condemn a woman they know who has had an abortion for a reason they understand. Some supporters of abortion rights find the issue morally troubling nonetheless, and might never choose to have an abortion themselves.
Many, in short, long for freedom but understand freedom's limits. Many long for orthodoxy yet want it to be flexible on something that matters to their own sense of freedom. Thus does a rabbi from Montana teach David Brooks the wonderfully useful term "flexidoxy." The bourgeois bohemians Brooks has introduced us to in his writing are resolutely flexidox.
he past decade or so may have seen the U.S. economy send many well-paying blue-collar jobs abroad, but it has been very good for those in the business of producing cultural jeremiads. A partial list includes The Closing of the American Mind, The De-moralization of Society, The Corrosion of Character, Slouching Towards Gomorrah, Bowling Alone, The Death of Outrage, The Great Disruption, and Egotopia: Narcissism and the New American Landscape.
All these books speak, albeit in very different ways, to a sense of cultural and moral unease. It is an unease not bounded by ideological categories. On the contrary, people on the left and on the right are equally forceful in decrying self-centered individualism, consumerism, new pressures on the family, and the decline of community. Analysts left, right, and center are sensitive to how technological and economic changes have altered the rhythms of family life and lifted up certain virtues and values at the expense of others. In The Great Disruption, Francis Fukuyama, a freethinking neo-conservative, argues that the new knowledge-based economy will transform the social world of the twenty-first century—how we raise our children, where we live, what we value—as much as the Industrial Revolution altered the organization of life in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Fukuyama sees the knowledge economy as placing a high premium on radical individualism and a lower value on solidarity.
From the left Richard Sennett argues that the new, highly flexible capitalism has ended the concept of loyalty at work and therefore undermined it in society. "Character is expressed by loyalty and mutual commitment, or through the pursuit of long-term goals, or by the practice of delayed gratification for the sake of a future end," he writes in The Corrosion of Character. But in the new economy, he insists, there is no long term. He asks, "How do we decide what is of lasting value in ourselves in a society which is impatient, which focuses on the immediate moment? How can long-term goals be pursued in an economy devoted to the short term? How can mutual loyalties and commitments be sustained in institutions which are constantly breaking apart or continually being redesigned?" How, indeed?
Not all intellectuals attribute cultural and moral unease to social and economic changes. The writings of Gertrude Himmelfarb and William Bennett place a strong emphasis on individual virtue and its alleged decline. But Himmelfarb, a sophisticated conservative historian, is alive to how "manners and morals" are embedded in a society (she is partial to the way the Victorians managed to do this), not created out of thin air by individuals. She shrewdly notes the shift away from talk of "virtues" to an analysis of "values." The word "virtue," she writes, "carried with it a sense of gravity and authority, as 'values' does not." Values, Himmelfarb says, "can be beliefs, opinions, attitudes, feelings, habits, conventions, preferences, prejudices, even idiosyncrasies—whatever any individual, group, or society happens to value, at any time, for any reason." She adds, "One cannot say of virtues, as one can of values, that anyone's virtues are as good as anyone else's, or that everyone has a right to his own virtues."
Sennett and Himmelfarb disagree profoundly about politics, yet they share an unease about the decline of old virtues in a highly individualistic society. Himmelfarb worries about what happens to morality in a world in which values can be picked and chosen as one might buy a peach or a cantaloupe at the supermarket. Sennett wonders how individuals can live meaningful moral lives in an economy that wages constant war against loyalty, commitment, and solidarity.
Beneath the clamor of the politicized and televised culture war, in other words, is a more measured debate between libertarians and communitarians, between individualists (moral or economic or both) and those who would emphasize some version of a common good. This, too, is an old American argument. As Robert Bellah and his colleagues wrote in Habits of the Heart, the history of our country might be seen as one long debate over how to balance the joys of individual freedom against the necessity for community and commitment. But this is a hard argument. It's much easier to scream across barricades about abortion, gay marriage, or Terri Schiavo's fate.
It has long been fashionable in American political discussion to separate "social issues" from "economic issues." But the two, as Sennett and Fukuyama would insist, are intertwined. Most Americans, no matter which cultural battle they choose to fight (or avoid), understand this. Family life is powerfully affected by work arrangements—and by the ability to find decently paying jobs. Community life is shaped by how we build our homes and neighborhoods, by how long people's commutes are, and by how much time is left over from the struggle to make a living. Our culture is shaped in large part by commercial forces that, paradoxically, promote a permissiveness in entertainment and advertising that conservatives who in theory revere the market in fact deplore.
The counterculture has become the over-the-counter culture. Liberals and conservatives alike are vexed by this. Liberals desperately do not want to be bluenosed or judgmental, yet they are uneasy with a consumerist, individualistic culture that often violates their sense of community, decency, and mutual obligation. Conservatives who dread economic regulation and defend capitalism at every turn often find the cultural fruits of capitalism bitter and distasteful. Liberals and conservatives may battle over gay marriage or abortion and yet agree wholeheartedly on what television programs their children shouldn't watch, what Web sites they shouldn't visit, and what video games they shouldn't play. Both are likely to be critical of mall culture, and for some of the same reasons.
Yet everyone tries to cope, and our coping has been remarkably successful. The exurbs, so disliked by opponents of sprawl, produce their own kinds of community through religious congregations, kids' sports leagues, mothers' groups, school organizations, business clubs—and political activities on both sides of the cultural divides.
Fears of moral decay may be pervasive, but crime, teen pregnancy, abortion, and divorce have declined since the early 1990s. Feminism, which conservatives once feared as an assault on family life, has proved its compatibility with updated versions of old-fashioned family arrangements. Every father of a daughter, no matter his politics, is a feminist when it comes to her education and her ambitions. Most conservative parents of gay or lesbian children, however uneasy they may be with homosexuality, will stand up for their kids against bigotry. Most liberal parents, however open in theory they may be to cultural experimentation and rebellion against accepted norms, lay down the law to their children on homework, dating practices, and the dangers of drunk driving and drugs.
We would be better off if we challenged the culture-war metaphor and, in the process, the self-understandings of liberals and conservatives. One need not be a cultural pessimist to share the concerns of Sennett, Himmelfarb, and Bellah over the state of our common life. One need not be a wild-eyed optimist to see signs that—for all the disruptions wrought by the new economy, for all the moral disturbances created by wardrobe and other cultural malfunctions—Americans, as individuals and in their families, are trying to create new forms of community and new ways of transmitting old values (and, yes, virtues).
The culture war exploits our discontents. The task of politics is to heal them.

Monday, January 09, 2006

Yomma bin Laden

Michael Ledeen says his sources in Iran have told him Osama bin Laden died of kidney failure last month.

"According to Iranians I trust, Osama bin Laden finally departed this world in mid-December. The al Qaeda leader died of kidney failure and was buried in Iran, where he had spent most of his time since the destruction of al Qaeda in Afghanistan. The Iranians who reported this note that this year’s message in conjunction with the Muslim Haj came from his number two, Ayman al-Zawahiri, for the first time."
Sentimentality is often the enchanted mirror into which the practiced nihilist preens. After all, the nihilist worldview holds that most things are beneath the self, and the sentimentalist concludes that most things are about the self—the point being in either case to keep the narrating ego at center stage.
FTBSITTTD

Thursday, January 05, 2006

Affect Vs. Effect

Affect and effect are two words that are commonly confused.
"Affect" is usually a verb meaning "to influence".
The drug did not affect the disease.
"Effect" is usually a noun meaning "result".
The drug has many adverse side effects.
"Effect" can also be used as a verb meaning "to bring about".
The present government effected many positive changes.

Wednesday, January 04, 2006

Allhiphop.com reports that Patrick Swayze wants to release a rap single. The actor, who had a hit in 1987 with She's Like the Wind, told the site he's working on a new tune which will show that "rap rhythms [are] an emotional undercurrent for ballads." Swayze didn't have a timeline for when his foray into hip-hop would be released.

It's About. Damn. Time. For far too long, rap and hip-hop have been monopolized by tough young african-americans who grew up in the forgotten streets and alleyways of inner-city America. Well, those greedy bastards are about to get their due, 'cause here comes a new breed of rapper: white. rich. middle-aged. I'm not sure what exactly he'll be rapping about, but please god let it be about Roadhouse. Although the only thing I can think of to rhyme with Roadhouse is Choadhouse. And I don't think that's good. Unless, you know, you like choads.

Is Swayze Crazy? [Page Six]

Tuesday, January 03, 2006

What a Tough Choice...What's a Woman To Do?

Brady Quinn
Spiegel Online: The US and Iran: Is Washington Planning a Military Strike?

The most talked about story is a Dec. 23 piece by the German news agency DDP from journalist and intelligence expert Udo Ulfkotte. The story has generated controversy not only because of its material, but also because of the reporter’s past. Critics allege that Ulfkotte in his previous reporting got too close to sources at Germany’s foreign intelligence agency, the BND. But Ulfkotte has himself noted that he has been under investigation by the government in the past (indeed, his home and offices have been searched multiple times) for allegations that he published state secrets — a charge that he claims would underscore rather than undermine the veracity of his work.
According to Ulfkotte’s report, “western security sources” claim that during CIA Director Porter Goss’ Dec. 12 visit to Ankara, he asked Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan to provide support for a possibile 2006 air strike against Iranian nuclear and military facilities. More specifically, Goss is said to have asked Turkey to provide unfettered exchange of intelligence that could help with a mission.
DDP also reported that the governments of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Oman and Pakistan have been informed in recent weeks of Washington’s military plans. The countries, apparently, were told that air strikes were a “possible option,” but they were given no specific timeframe for the operations.
In a report published on Wednesday, the Berlin daily Der Tagesspiegel also cited NATO intelligence sources claiming that Washington’s western allies had been informed that the United States is currently investigating all possibilities of bringing the mullah-led regime into line, including military options. Of course, Bush has publicly stated for months that he would not take the possibility of a military strike off the table. What’s new here, however, is that Washington appears to be dispatching high-level officials to prepare its allies for a possible attack rather than merely implying the possibility as it has repeatedly done during the past year.
According to DDP, during his trip to Turkey, CIA chief Goss reportedly handed over three dossiers to Turkish security officials that purportedly contained evidence that Tehran is cooperating with Islamic terror network al-Qaida. A further dossier is said to contain information about the current status of Iran’s alleged nuclear weapons program.
Venezuelan President Chavez: “The descendants of the Christ-killers” control the world.
Speaking at a rehabilitation center on December 24, the controversial left-wing president said “the descendants of those who crucified Christ... have taken ownership of the riches of the world, a minority has taken ownership of the gold of the world, the silver, the minerals, water, the good lands, petrol, well, the riches, and they have concentrated the riches in a small number of hands.”

For Spanish speakers, the full speech can be found here (PDF file). (The remarks about Jews are on page 18.)
Big Brother Is (Weight) Watching Why would Americans want Uncle Sam to control what they eat?

Friday, December 30, 2005 12:01 a.m. EST

In the 1980 comic classic "Private Benjamin," Goldie Hawn, whose character has been widowed just six hours after her wedding, finds herself in the office of an Army recruiter. If she enlists, he promises her, she'll have access to yachts and beachfront condos--and the chance to be in the best shape of her life.
Lately it's become all the rage to depend on Uncle Sam for a fitness program, or to pretend to do so. In a kind of simulacrum of military rigor, some gyms now offer members the chance to attend "boot camp," where "drill sergeants" bark orders for crunches and pushups. Less strenuously, some Americans are hoping that the government, or its courts, will simply forbid the products that make them fat.
Take soda. The Center for Science in the Public Interest plans to file lawsuits, as early as next month, against Coca-Cola and PepsiCo. Its aim is to ban these companies from selling soda in schools. Doing so is "less egregious, but it is a little like having a cigarette machine in a school," Richard Daynard, a law professor at Northeastern University who will be representing the plaintiffs, told the Atlanta Journal-Constitution last month. Mr. Daynard stands to make millions if the suit is successful.
Indeed, the trial lawyers pressing the case against calorie-rich commodities see the tobacco tort campaign of the 1990s--with its run of lucrative awards--as a perfect model. They portray Americans' love for sugary drinks and fattening foods as a kind of illness brought on by evil corporations seeking to deceive us all but especially, of course, the children.
Trying to stay one step ahead of the lawyers, companies like Kraft foods have curbed their advertising to kids. And Disney has decided to remove Mickey Mouse and Winnie the Pooh from unhealthy products. But no one really believes that plaintiff lawyers are going to stop once children are protected from junk food.
When McDonald's decided a couple of months ago to put nutritional information on its products, its executives probably weren't thinking that, say, a nine-year-old would be studying the label on a quarter-pounder (420 calories) to determine whether the burger would bust his daily nutritional allowance. They were trying to keep an "expert witness" in some future trial from saying that adults don't know how unhealthy fast food can be. You know, the way adults didn't have a clue that smoking a pack of cigarettes a day was a habit at odds with a long life.
At least the effects of smoking are distant; an especially dim smoker might plausibly overlook the damage he is doing to himself. But the effect on the body of certain foods is nearly immediate. It doesn't take a genius to grasp that a diet of chicken nuggets and Oreos will lead to weight gain. Simply ask yourself: Do your pants still fit?
Under normal circumstances, most grown-ups would resent the implication that they are morons. But there seems to be an appeal to blaming one's ballooning weight on a corporate plot rather than on weak self-discipline. And it's easier to leave the solution in someone else's hands, too--the government's or even God's (hence Christian books like "The Maker's Diet").
Every few years we herald another FDA food pyramid or the news that some hitherto overlooked ingredient will be added to the labels on the back of our frozen dinners. (Starting next month, calorie counts must be printed in larger type.) But none of this matters: The poundage is still pachydermical. So tomorrow, when it comes time to make our New Year's weight-loss resolutions, why don't we resolve to leave Uncle Sam out of it?

Good Idea

New York Sun
by Daniel Pipes
January 3, 2006 http://www.danielpipes.org/article/3242

In Baden-Wurtenberg, Heribert Rech of the ruling Christian Democratic Union party has overseen the administering of a 30-topic loyalty test for applicants to become naturalized citizens. Following an intensive and sophisticated study by the Baden-Wurtenberg government of Muslim life, it developed a manual for the naturalization authorities explaining that applicants for citizenship must concur with the "free, democratic, constitutional structure" of Germany.
Because survey research finds that 21% of Muslims living in Germany believe the German constitution irreconcilable with the Koran, the written yes-no questions of yesteryear are history for Muslim applicants for citizenship. As of January 1, 2006, immigration officers who suspect Islamist leanings are instructed to probe further. Personal interviews will now last an hour or two and will be given to an estimated half of naturalization applicants.
The questions amount to a summary of Western values. What do you think of democracy, political parties, and religious freedom? What would you do if you learned about a terrorist operation underway? Views of the attacks of September 11, 2001, are a "key issue," the director of the alien registration office in Stuttgart, Dieter Biller, said: Were Jews responsible for it? Were the 19 hijackers terrorists or freedom fighters? Finally, nearly two thirds of the questions concern gender issues, such as women's rights, husbands beating wives, "honor killings," female attire, arranged marriages, polygyny, and homosexuality.
Responding to critics, the Interior Ministry denies discrimination against Muslims, insisting on the need to find out whether the applicants' expressed views on the German constitution correspond to their real views. Applicants who pass the test and are granted citizenship could later lose that citizenship if they act inconsistently with their "correct" answers.
Adding extra requirements of Muslim applicants for citizenship is not unique to Germany; in Ireland, for example, male candidates are made to swear they will not marry more than one wife.

On Francisco Franco

On Francisco Franco written by  Charles Few Americans know much about Francisco Franco, leader of the winning side in the Spanish C...